Historical Sex Work Earnings Converter
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Historical vs. Modern Earnings
Based on article data, historical sex workers often earned $10-$15 per week in the 1910s-$15 in 1919, which would be equivalent to $285-$450 today.
Current average earnings vary widely: $120 per transaction on the street (with 60% going to managers), while online workers have more control over pricing.
Prostitution isn’t some modern vice-it’s been around since before the pyramids were built. The idea that it’s the "world’s oldest profession" isn’t just a catchy phrase; it’s backed by evidence from Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. Around 2400 BCE, temple prostitutes in Sumer served religious rituals and collected payments that went straight to temple coffers. This wasn’t seen as immoral back then-it was part of the economic and spiritual fabric of society.
From Sacred Ritual to State Revenue
In ancient civilizations, sex work wasn’t hidden. In Babylon, women could dedicate themselves to the goddess Ishtar, and their earnings supported temple operations. In ancient Greece, hetairai-highly educated courtesans-moved among philosophers and politicians, often more influential than married women. Rome had its own version: lupanars, or brothels, marked with phallic symbols on doorways to signal their purpose. These weren’t underground dens; they were part of city planning.
By the 8th century, the Kingdom of Dahomey (now Benin) turned prostitution into a formal tax system. Government officials assigned licensed sex workers to villages, set fixed prices, and collected a cut of their earnings during the Annual Customs. According to colonial records from Archibald Dalzel in 1793, this wasn’t exploitation-it was state policy. Sex workers paid taxes, and the state used the money to fund public works. This system lasted for generations, long before European powers imposed their moral codes.
Medieval Europe: Churches, Brothels, and Shared Profits
In medieval Europe, the Church preached against prostitution but didn’t try to eliminate it. Instead, they managed it. Cities like Paris, London, and Toulouse opened state-sanctioned brothels. The University of Toulouse even got a share of the profits, using the money to fund scholarships. In Winchester, England, bishops licensed brothels and collected fees. The logic? Better to regulate than to let it run wild.
Penitent prostitutes were sometimes helped-churches raised dowries so women could marry and leave the trade. But most didn’t leave. The brothels kept running. In 12th-century Paris, brothels were concentrated along the Seine, with strict rules: no violence, no underage workers, and mandatory closing times. This wasn’t charity-it was control. And it worked. For centuries, prostitution was treated like any other urban business: taxed, zoned, and monitored.
The Rise of Moral Panic in the 19th Century
By the 1800s, everything changed. Industrialization, urban growth, and rising middle-class values turned sex work into a moral crisis. In the U.S., prostitution was a $6.3 million industry in 1858-more than shipping and brewing combined. In New Orleans, the Storyville district became a glittering, notorious hub. Photographers like E.J. Bellocq captured portraits of sex workers, selling them for $15 each-equivalent to $450 today.
But as profits rose, so did fear. Religious groups and reformers launched crusades. The Comstock Law of 1873 banned "obscene" materials, including birth control info. The Page Act of 1875 targeted Asian women, falsely claiming they were being smuggled in for prostitution. These laws weren’t about protection-they were about race, gender, and control.
St. Louis tried regulation in 1870, requiring weekly health checks for sex workers. It lasted four years. Women’s groups and clergy pushed back, calling it degrading. The city repealed it. Meanwhile, France and Britain passed Contagious Diseases Acts, forcing women suspected of prostitution to undergo invasive pelvic exams. The laws were applied across colonies-from India to Jamaica. Feminists like Josephine Butler led protests, and by 1886, the acts were repealed.
Prostitution as Big Business
Behind the moral outrage was a booming economy. In 19th-century New York, two-thirds of prostitution arrests happened near East River docks. A few streets-East George and George-accounted for 26% of all cases. Sex workers earned $10 a week in 1917 San Francisco-that’s $285 today. Many said they entered the trade because they had no other options: widows, immigrants, factory workers with no safety net.
Brothel owners like Polly Adler ran sophisticated operations. They hired managers, handled bookings, and served wealthy clients. Adler’s memoir, published in 1953, revealed a world of luxury: champagne, silk robes, and discreet entrances. This wasn’t the desperate woman on the street-it was a business with branding, customer service, and profit margins.
By 1915, 98% of U.S. states had banned brothels. The Mann Act of 1910 made it a federal crime to transport women across state lines for "immoral purposes." The law was used to target Black men and immigrant communities more than actual traffickers. Prostitution didn’t disappear-it went underground.
Nevada: The Last Legal Brothel System in the U.S.
In 1970, Nevada became the only state to legalize brothels-but only in 10 of its 17 counties. The Mustang Ranch, opened in 1971, became the most famous. At its peak, it had 40 sex workers, each paying $250 a week in "house fees"-about $535 in today’s money. The brothel brought in over $2 million annually by 1990, more than all other Nevada brothels combined.
It wasn’t just a red-light district. It had medical checks, security, and contracts. Workers could leave anytime. Clients came from all over-businessmen, tourists, even celebrities. The federal government raided it in 1999, seizing assets under money laundering charges. But other brothels kept operating. Today, about 500 licensed sex workers serve 15,000 clients a month in Nevada’s legal system.
Global Shifts: The Nordic Model and Decriminalization
Sweden changed the game in 1999 with the Nordic Model: criminalize buyers, not sellers. The idea? Stop demand, protect women. Sweden saw street prostitution drop by half within five years. Norway, Iceland, Canada, and Ireland followed. Critics say it pushes sex work further underground, making workers less safe.
Meanwhile, places like Turkey and the Netherlands allow regulated prostitution with mandatory health checks. In New York State, the Stop Violence in the Sex Trades Act of 2022 vacated 7,500 prostitution convictions from the past 30 years and decriminalized selling sex. It wasn’t about legalization-it was about justice.
The term "sex worker" replaced "prostitute" in the 1980s, pushed by activists who wanted to frame the work as labor, not sin. The International Committee for Prostitutes’ Rights introduced the term at the 1983 World Whores Congress in Amsterdam. Today, organizations like the Global Network of Sex Work Projects advocate for decriminalization, not just regulation.
Technology and the Digital Shift
By 2020, 45% of commercial sex transactions moved online. Platforms like Backpage.com made it easier, safer, and more profitable-until the FBI shut it down in 2018. Now, escort sites, apps, and encrypted messaging dominate. Street work is declining. Online work is rising. Workers control their schedules, screen clients, and set prices. This shift has changed the debate: is sex work exploitation-or entrepreneurship?
Pew Research found that 68% of American adults now support legalizing or decriminalizing prostitution. That’s up from 41% in 2000. The stigma is fading. People are starting to see it as a labor issue, not a moral one.
What’s Next?
114 countries still criminalize sex work fully. But momentum is shifting. Legal brothels in Nevada, decriminalization in New York, and worker-led advocacy in San Francisco show a clear trend: the future isn’t about banning sex work-it’s about protecting those who do it.
Prostitution didn’t vanish when it went underground. It adapted. From temple rituals to TikTok DMs, the exchange of sex for money has always reflected the society around it. The question isn’t whether it should exist-it’s how we choose to treat the people who do it.
Was prostitution always illegal?
No. For most of human history, prostitution was legal, regulated, or even state-sponsored. Ancient Mesopotamia, medieval Europe, and 19th-century U.S. cities all had licensed brothels. Criminalization only became widespread in the late 1800s and early 1900s, driven by moral panic and racial fears, not public safety.
Why did Nevada legalize brothels?
Nevada legalized brothels in 1970 as a way to bring a hidden, unregulated industry into the light. Rural counties wanted tax revenue and control over safety. The Mustang Ranch became a model: health checks, worker contracts, and security. It wasn’t about morality-it was about practical governance in areas where law enforcement was scarce.
What’s the difference between decriminalization and legalization?
Legalization means the government sets rules-like licensing, zoning, and health checks. Decriminalization removes criminal penalties entirely, treating sex work like any other job. Legalization can still lead to stigma and bureaucracy. Decriminalization, as seen in New Zealand and parts of New York, focuses on safety and rights, not control.
Did the Comstock Law target only prostitution?
No. The Comstock Law of 1873 banned "obscene" materials, which included birth control, abortion info, and sex education. It was used to jail doctors, feminists, and publishers. While it was tied to anti-prostitution sentiment, its real target was women’s autonomy and access to reproductive health.
How did the AIDS crisis change attitudes toward sex work?
AIDS shifted the conversation from morality to public health. In Africa and the U.S., sex workers became key to stopping transmission. Health programs started offering free testing and condoms. But stigma didn’t vanish-many governments used AIDS to justify crackdowns instead of support. The term "sex worker" gained traction during this time as activists pushed for rights, not pity.
Are sex workers safer under the Nordic Model?
It’s debated. Sweden saw fewer street workers, but many moved online or to riskier situations. Studies show increased violence and police harassment because workers fear reporting crimes. Advocates argue the model ignores agency-many sex workers choose this work and don’t want to be "saved." The best outcomes come from decriminalization, where workers can unionize, report abuse, and access services without fear.
What role did race play in prostitution laws?
Race was central. The Page Act of 1875 targeted Chinese women, falsely labeling them as prostitutes to ban immigration. In the U.S., Black and Latina women were disproportionately arrested under vagrancy laws. In the 1980s, crack cocaine and AIDS were used to criminalize Black sex workers. Laws weren’t colorblind-they were tools of control over marginalized communities.
Why do some feminists oppose prostitution?
Some feminists, like Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin, argue prostitution is a form of male violence and gender oppression. They see it as exploitation rooted in patriarchy. Others, like Carol Leigh and the Sex Workers Outreach Project, say this view ignores agency. Many sex workers are women who choose the job for survival or empowerment. The divide is between abolition and decriminalization.
Is prostitution still a big business today?
Yes. Online platforms like Backpage generated $135 million a year before 2018. Street work averages $120 per transaction, with 60% going to pimps or managers. Even in illegal markets, it’s a multi-billion-dollar global industry. The shift to digital has made it more profitable and harder to track-but also safer for workers who can screen clients and avoid street dangers.
What’s the future of prostitution laws?
The trend is toward decriminalization. More countries are recognizing sex work as labor. Technology is reshaping how it’s done. Public opinion is shifting: 68% of Americans now support legalizing or decriminalizing it. The next decade will likely see more states and nations move away from punishment and toward rights, health, and safety for sex workers.
